• Misyar Marriage

    is carried out via the normal contractual procedure, with the specificity that the husband and wife give up several rights by their own free will...

  • Taraveeh a Biad'ah

    Nawafil prayers are not allowed with Jama'at except salatul-istisqa' (the salat for praying to Allah to send rain)..

  • Umar attacks Fatima (s.)

    Umar ordered Qunfuz to bring a whip and strike Janabe Zahra (s.a.) with it.

  • The lineage of Umar

    And we summarize the lineage of Omar Bin Al Khattab as follows:

  • Before accepting Islam

    Umar who had not accepted Islam by that time would beat her mercilessly until he was tired. He would then say

Wednesday, August 15, 2012

What Happened at Saqifah?

In the following tradition in Sahih al-Bukhari:
A)- Umar said that:
One should not deceive oneself by saying that the pledge of allegiance given to Abu Bakr was given suddenly and it was successful.
B)- Umar said that Ali and Zubair and whoever was with them, and Ansar disagreed with them :
And no doubt after the death of the Prophet we were informed that the Ansar disagreed with us and gathered in the shed of Bani Sa'da. 'Ali and Zubair and whoever was with them, opposed us, while the emigrants gathered with Abu Bakr.
C)- Umar gave his hand to Abu Bakr without counseling with Muslims. He gave his hand FIRST, and then others gave their hands too.
Then there was a hue and cry among the gathering and their voices rose so that I was afraid there might be great disagreement, so I said, 'O Abu Bakr! Hold your hand out.' He held his hand out and I pledged allegiance to him, and THEN all the emigrants gave the Pledge of allegiance and so did the Ansar afterwards.
D)- There was news that Umar and his followers had killed Sa'd bin Ubada. (I am not saying that he did. What I am saying that this was a common news on those days. That is all.)
One of the Ansar said, 'You have killed Sa'd bin Ubada.' I replied, 'Allah has killed Sa'd bin Ubada.
E)- While Umar gave his hand to Abu bakr without consulting others, he ordered that such person should be killed:
So if any person gives the Pledge of allegiance to somebody (to become a Caliph) WITHOUT consulting the other Muslims, then the one he has selected should NOT be granted allegiance, lest both of them should be killed."
F)- While he did not wish to accept others' decision, he, himself, applied his own decision to others:
there was no greater problem [compared to death of the prophet] than the allegiance pledged to Abu Bakr because we were afraid that if we left the people, they might give the Pledge of allegiance after us to one of their men, in which case we would have given them our consent for something against our real wish, or would have opposed them and caused great trouble.
 
Here is the tradition:

Sahih al-Bukhari Hadith: 8.817 Narrated Ibn 'Abbas:
I used to teach (the Qur'an to) some people of the Muhajirln (emigrants), among whom there was 'Abdur Rahman bin 'Auf. While I was in his house at Mina, and he was with 'Umar bin al-Khattab during 'Umar's last Hajj, Abdur-Rahman came to me and said, "Would that you had seen the man who came today to the Chief of the Believers ('Umar), saying, 'O Chief of the Believers! What do you think about so-and-so who says, 'If 'Umar should die, I will give the pledge of allegiance to such-and-such person, as by Allah, the pledge of allegiance to Abu Bakr was nothing but a prompt sudden action which got established afterwards.' 'Umar became angry and then said, 'Allah willing, I will stand before the people tonight and warn them against those people who want to deprive the others of their rights (the question of rulership)."
... In the meantime, 'Umar sat on the pulpit and when the callmakers for the prayer had finished their call, 'Umar stood up, and having glorified and praised Allah as He deserved, he said,...
... (O people) I have been informed that a speaker amongst you says, 'By Allah, if 'Umar should die, I will give the pledge of allegiance to such-and-such person.' One should not deceive oneself by saying that the pledge of allegiance given to Abu Bakr was given suddenly and it was successful. No doubt, it was like that, but Allah saved (the people) from its evil, and there is none among you who has the qualities of Abu Bakr. Remember that whoever gives the pledge of allegiance to anybody among you without consulting the other Muslims, neither that person, nor the person to whom the pledge of allegiance was given, are to be supported, lest they both should be killed. And no doubt after the death of the Prophet we were informed that the Ansar disagreed with us and gathered in the shed of Bani Sa'da. 'Ali and Zubair and whoever was with them, opposed us, while the emigrants gathered with Abu Bakr. I said to Abu Bakr, 'Let's go to these Ansari brothers of ours.' So we set out seeking them, and when we approached them, two pious men of theirs met us and informed us of the final decision of the Ansar, and said, 'O group of Muhajirin (emigrants) ! Where are you going?' We replied, 'We are going to these Ansari brothers of ours.' They said to us, 'You shouldn't go near them. Carry out whatever we have already decided.' I said, 'By Allah, we will go to them.' And so we proceeded until we reached them at the shed of Bani Sa'da. Behold! There was a man sitting amongst them and wrapped in something. I asked, 'Who is that man?' They said, 'He is Sa'd bin 'Ubada.' I asked, 'What is wrong with him?' They said, 'He is sick.' After we sat for a while, the Ansar's speaker said, 'None has the right to be worshipped but Allah,' and praising Allah as He deserved, he added, 'To proceed, we are Allah's Ansar (helpers) and the majority of the Muslim army, while you, the emigrants, are a small group and some people among you came with the intention of preventing us from practicing this matter (of caliphate) and depriving us of it.'
When the speaker had finished, I intended to speak as I had prepared a speech which I liked and which I wanted to deliver in the presence of Abu Bakr, and I used to avoid provoking him. So, when I wanted to speak, Abu Bakr said, 'Wait a while.' I disliked to make him angry. So Abu Bakr himself gave a speech, and he was wiser and more patient than I. By Allah, he never missed a sentence that I liked in my own prepared speech, but he said the like of it or better than it spontaneously. After a pause he said, 'O Ansar! You deserve all (the qualities that you have attributed to yourselves, but this question (of Caliphate) is only for the Quraish as they are the best of the Arabs as regards descent and home, and I am pleased to suggest that you choose either of these two men, so take the oath of allegiance to either of them as you wish. And then Abu Bakr held my hand and Abu Ubada bin Abdullah's hand who was sitting amongst us. I hated nothing of what he had said except that proposal, for by Allah, I would rather have my neck chopped off as expiator for a sin than become the ruler of a nation, one of whose members is Abu Bakr, unless at the time of my death my own-self suggests something I don't feel at present.'
And then one of the Ansar said, 'I am the pillar on which the camel with a skin disease (eczema) rubs itself to satisfy the itching (i.e., I am a noble), and I am as a high class palm tree! O Quraish. There should be one ruler from us and one from you.'
Then there was a hue and cry among the gathering and their voices rose so that I was afraid there might be great disagreement, so I said, 'O Abu Bakr! Hold your hand out.' He held his hand out and I pledged allegiance to him, and then all the emigrants gave the Pledge of allegiance and so did the Ansar afterwards. And so we became victorious over Sa'd bin Ubada (whom al-Ansar wanted to make a ruler). One of the Ansar said, 'You have killed Sa'd bin Ubada.' I replied, 'Allah has killed Sa'd bin Ubada.' Umar added, "By Allah, apart from the great tragedy that had happened to us (i.e. the death of the Prophet), there was no greater problem than the allegiance pledged to Abu Bakr because we were afraid that if we left the people, they might give the Pledge of allegiance after us to one of their men, in which case we would have given them our consent for something against our real wish, or would have opposed them and caused great trouble. So if any person gives the Pledge of allegiance to somebody (to become a Caliph) without consulting the other Muslims, then the one he has selected should not be granted allegiance, lest both of them should be killed.

The Political Factors for the Usurpation of Fadak

By: Ayatullah Makarem Shirazi
The story of Fadak is one of the most heart-rending and tumultuous stories in the life of Fatimah the Lady of Islam (s.a.) in particular, and the family of the Prophet (s.a.w) in general, and in the history of Islam in a widespread and disseminating way. It is mingled with political conspiracies and many ups and downs and is a hatchway for the unravelling of a part of the important mysteries surrounding the early scene of Islam’s history.
However, first, before beginning this discussion, it is necessary to know what Fadak was and where it was located?
“Fadak”, as many of the historians and writers have written, was a flourishing, fertile village in the land of “Hejaz” near Khaibar, being two or three days journey from Medina, Some have reported this distance as 140 Kilometers, and in which there was a bubbling spring and many date palms[11] and after Khaibar it was known as the stronghold of the Jews in Hejaz.
As to how Fadak, this pleasant, prosperous village, was transferred to the Holy Prophet (S), it is well known that after the messenger of God (S) returned from the conquest of Khaibar God placed fear and panic in the hearts of the inhabitants of Fadak who were of the headstrong Jews. They sent a representative to the Prophet (S) and made to him a proposition of peace. In return for their transferral of half of Fadak to the Holy Prophet (S), he accepted and signed the peace treaty.
As such, Fadak became the public domain of the Prophet (s.a.w) because according to an explicit Quranic verse, something that is obtained by the Muslims without war is the exclusive right of the Prophet (S) and unlike spoils of war is not divided.[12] In this way the Prophet (S) took Fadak and spent its earnings on the fatigued wayfarers «أبناءالسبيل»and the like.
This has been mentioned by Tabri «الطبري»in his book of history and Ibn Alalthir «ابن الأثير» in is book Alkamil «الكامل» and others in their own books.
Also, Tabari in his book and Ibn Alathir in the book “Kamel” made a reference to this.[13] It was also mentioned by many historians confirming that the Prophet (S) during his own lifetime granted Fadak to the Lady of Islam Fatimah Zahra (s.a.).[14]
Strong evidence of this transferral is that many commentators, including the famous Sunni commentator Jalal-Al-Din Suyyuti in the commentary book (Dar-Al-Mansour) under the Quranic Verse; «وآتذاالقربىحقه» (give the near of kin their due), has quoted from “Abu Sa’id Khadri” that, because this verse was descended, the Apostle of God (S) asked for Fatimah and granted Fadak to her. The words of this tradition are as follows: عن أبي سعيد الخدري رضي الله عنه قال: لما نزلت على النبي صلى الله عليه وآله وسلم.الآية (فآت ذا القربى حقه) دعا النبي صلى الله عليه وآله وسلم فاطمة عليها السلام فأعطاها فدك فقال: هذالك ولعقبك من بعدك.
When the word of God was revealed saying that; “O’ Prophet! Give your near of kin their due”, the Apostle of God (S) granted Fadak to Fatimah (s.a.).

Under that same verse another tradition is narrated from “Ibn Abbas” which contains the same information.
Another eye - witness to this claim is the remark of Amir al Mum’inin (a.s.) in “Nahjul Balaghah” in relation to Fadak, in which he says: « بلى كانت في ايدينا فدك من كل ما اظلته السماء فشحت بها نفوس قوم وسخت عنها نفوس آخرين، ونعم الحكم الله ... »
“Of course, all that we had in our possession under this sky was Fadak, but a group of people felt greedy for it and the other party withheld themselves from it. Allah, is after all the best arbitrator.”[15]

This remark clearly shows that in the Prophets (S) time Fadak was under the control of Ali (a.s) and Fatimah Zahra (s.a.). However, later a group of the Hakims jealous men feasted their eyes upon it and Ali (a.s.) and his wife-the Lady of Islam-were forced to overlook it, and of course this over looking did not occur of their own free will. If other than this was true then the calling of God as arbitrator i.e. to say « ونعم الحكم الله » would have been meaningless.
Among the great Shia scholars, a large group have also mentioned traditions related to this section in their own creditable books. Among them the following scholars may be mentioned;
The late Kulany «الكليني»in Kafy «الكافي», and the late Saduq «الصدوق»and the late Muhammad Ibin Masud Alayyashy« محمّدابنمسعودالعياشي» in their commentary and Ali Ibn Issa AlArbali «عليابنعيسىالأربلي»in Kashf Alghamma «كشفالغمة», and also another large group in books of commentary, history and traditions, of which mentioning all of them would be too lengthy.
Now let us see why and for what reason they took Fadak away from Fatimah (s.a.).

The seizing of Fadak from the lady of Islam Fatimah Zahra (s.a.) was not a simple matter only of an economic nature. On the contrary, its economic aspect was outshone by the political matters governing the Islamic community after the death of the Prophet (S). Indeed, Fadak cannot be separated from the other events of that era. On the contrary, it is a link from a lengthy chain and a phenomenon from a total, enveloping current!

The following factors may be cited for this serious historical Usurpation:

1. The possession of Fadak in the hands of the prophet’s family was calculated as a great meaningful distinction for them. This was in itself proof of their elevated position and superiority in the presence of God and the earmarking of their intense closeness to the Prophet (S). This is especially because, according to the shia and sunni narratives mentioned above, when the Quranic verse «وآتذاالقربىحقه» was descended the Prophet (S) sent for Fatimah (s.a.) and granted to her the land of Fadak.
It is clear that the possession of Fadak in the hands of the Prophets family in view of this historical background would cause the people to search for the Prophet’s (S) other vestiges in this family especially the matter of caliphate or the successor of that Hazrat (S). This was not a situation, which could be tolerated by those who supported the transferral of the caliphate to other persons.

2. This matter was also important from an economic stand-point, and it affected its political aspect. This was due to the fact that if Ali (a.s.) and his supporters were placed under severely straightened economic circumstances, their political power would be reduced proportionately According to another interpretation, the existence of Fadak. in their hands made resources available to them that could have been supportive of them in the matter of the guardianship (leadership). This was just as the wealth of Khadija (s.a.) was backing for the progress of Islam at the beginning of the Prophet’s (S) mission.
All the world over it is customary that whenever they wish to shut - out an important person or country they place him under economic embargo.
In the history of Islam this has come to us in the Story of “Abu-Talib’s camp”, and the severe economic siege inflicted on the Muslims by the infidels of Quraish.
In the interpretation of the Quranic chapter “The Hypocrites” under the verse; “If we return to Medina, surely the mighty will drive out the meaner there from.” (Sura Munafiqin, 63:8)
Here is a reference to a plot similar to this plot, by the hypocrites, which, by the mercy of God was nipped in the bud. As such it is not surprising that the enemies should try to take this investment from the Prophet’s family, secluding them and emptying their hands of wealth.
3. If they had been willing to give Fadak to Fatimah Zahra (s.a.) as her inheritance, or a gift of the Prophet (S) to her; the way would have been made clear for her to also request the matter of the caliphate from them.
This point has been subtly reverberated by “Ibn Abil-Hadid Motazaly” in his account of the “Nahjul Balagha” 
He says: I asked my professor Ali-bin-Fareghie - teacher of theology in Baghdad school: “Was Fatimah (s.a.) truthful in her claim of the ownership of Fadak?”
He replied: “Yes.”
I then said: “Then why didn’t the first caliph give her Fadak when she was truthful to him?”
He then smiled and spoke a beautiful, subtle and joke-like utterance, even though he was not in the habit of joking, saying: “If at that time, Abi Bakr on hearing Fatimah’s claim would have given Fadak to her, the next day she would have come to him and claimed the caliphate for her husband! She Would have set him aside from his position, and he would have set him aside from his position, and he would have had no defense or justification for himself, because by giving “Fadak” he would have accepted that whatever Fatimah (s.a.) claimed was the truth, needing no proof or evidence.[16]
Then Ibn Abil Hadid adds: “This was a fact, even though my teacher related it as a joke.”
This obvious confession by two Sunni scholars is a living witness for the Fadak story’s, “Political essence”.
If we look at this village’s fate in the first few decades of Islam’s history how it constantly changed hands and how each of the caliphs held a particular position in relation to it, this matter is better clarified. God willing in the following discussion we will refer to this.
Notes:
[11]Mojam-Al-Boldan: The word Fadak.
[12]Quran; chapter 54, Vs 6 & 7.
[13]Refer to the book “Fadak” by Allamah Sayyid Muhammad Hasan Qazwini Haery
[14]Because it was a possession of the Prophet (S).
[15] “Nahjul Balaghah”, letter 45, translation into English by: “Ali Naqi-un-Naqvi”
[16] Explanation of Nahj Albalagha by Ibn Abi Al-hadid, vol. 4, pg. 78

Umar´s Caliphate from Sunni Books

'Umar was from the Banu 'Adi tribe, one of the branches of the Quraysh. His mother, Hantama, was the daughter of Hashim Ibn Mughira from the Banu Makhzum clan. Banu Makhzum was another branch of the Quraysh and an ally of the Umayya in the Dark Age. Unlike Abu Bakr, 'Umar converted to Islam years after the ordainment of Prophet Muhammad (S).
Many sources say he converted in the sixth year of the Prophethood of Prophet Muhammad (S). Mas'udi says he converted four years before Hijra, i.e. the ninth year of the Prophethood of Prophet Muhammad (S). [198]
'Umar was present in wars and events in Medina, although history has recorded no specific memory about him. When his daughter, Hafsa, became the Prophet's wife, his relations with the Messenger of God were reinforced.
In this connection, he was like Abu Bakr. We wrote that the Prophet (S) made them brothers by contract. [199] They were inseparable throughout the entire life of the Prophet (S). They held common stances in the developments of Saqifa and it was because of 'Umar's insistence on stabilizing Abu Bakr's caliphate that Imam 'Ali (a) accused him of working for his own future. [200] This was well justified for others.
When Abu Bakr handed over the oath of caliphate to him and asked him to read it for the people, someone asked him, “What is in this letter?”
He replied, “I do not know for sure, but I shall be the first one to obey it!” The person said, “But I know what it is.” أمّرته عام أوّل وأمّرك العام “The first year you appointed him caliph and the second year, he installed you as the caliph of Muslims.” [201]
The above quotation shows that people were aware of the political bond between these two. Apparently, people saw one way of thinking throughout the caliphate of Abu Bakr in these two persons. In other words, they believed that 'Umar's caliphate was the continuation of Abu Bakr's and that their caliphate was a single administration.
Qays Ibn Abi Hazim says, “I saw 'Umar in the mosque, with a stick of date branch in his hand trying to make people sit down. Abu Bakr's servant, named Shudayd, came to the mosque and read a message from Abu Bakr and then, 'Umar mounted the pulpit.” [202] “It is true to say that Abu Bakr would not be a caliph if it were not for 'Umar. [203]
When Abu Bakr wanted to appoint Khalid Ibn Sa'id as commander of the army, 'Umar managed to change his mind because Khalid swore allegiance to Abu Bakr only three months after the Saqifa gathering. [204] Abu Bakr used to say he loved 'Umar more than others.” [205]
'Umar addressed Ibn 'Abbas and said, “Indeed, if Abu Bakr did not believe me, he would set aside your share of the government, and in that case, your tribesmen (Quraysh) would hate you.” [206] It was this belief in 'Umar that made Abu Bakr write an accord appointing 'Umar as his successor. Once he said, “I appointed 'Umar to succeed me because I was afraid of eruption of any tension.” [207]
Before the appointment of 'Umar, Abu Bakr consulted 'Abd al-Rahman Ibn 'Awf. He praised the caliph and said 'Umar was a quick-tempered man. Abu Bakr said, “He shows to be so in contrast with my tender-heartedness. He will calm down when he takes power.” Abu Bakr consulted 'Uthman, too.
He said, ”'Umar's nature is better than his countenance.” [208] This is all the consultation Abu Bakr made with the nobles of the Quraysh before appointing 'Umar.
'Uthman was always present in the caliph's bedside during his sickness. Abu Bakr asked him to write the contract of succession on his behalf. After the beginning of the contract was written, Abu Bakr fell into coma and 'Uthman who knew his assignment, finished the oath and wrote the name of 'Umar in it. After regaining consciousness, Abu Bakr asked 'Uthman to read what he had written.
He did so and Abu Bakr approved it. [209] Following this, Talha came to Abu Bakr and said, “You witnessed how 'Umar behaves beside you and with your presence. Then, we do not know what he will do without you.” Abu Bakr was angered by his objection. [210]
Another quotation says the people objected to Abu Bakr for appointing a bad-tempered man to rule them. [211] According to Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Abu Bakr asked Mu'ayqab al-Rusi about the people's opinion regarding the appointment of 'Umar and he replied, “Some are satisfied, some are not.”
Abu Bakr said, “Which group is greater in number?”
He said, “Those who are dissatisfied.”
Abu Bakr said, “The truth always shows its ugly face first, but it is finally the winner.” [212] 'Umar, himself, in his first sermon said he was aware of the fact that some people hated his caliphate. [213] Ibn Qutayba has said that after hearing the news of Abu Bakr's death, Muslims in Damascus expressed their concern over 'Umar's likely coming to power and said, “If 'Umar assumes power, he will not be our “master” and we will topple him.” [214]
Abu Bakr did not make any serious consultations about 'Umar's caliphate. [215] He believed that many of the Muhajirun were thinking about occupying the seat of caliphate. Once he told 'Abd al-Rahman Ibn 'Awf that many men of Muhajirun were yearning for the seat of caliphate since the start of his caliphate. [216] In his deathbed, Abu Bakr warned 'Umar about the Muhajirun and their greed for ruling. [217]
Abu Bakr's act of setting an age for caliphate, the principle of “succession” became legitimate in the political jurisprudence of the Sunnites sect. However, according to Sunnites sources, this had no background in the Prophet's biography. The succession rule shares two pillars of hereditary government. In a hereditary government, the first pillar is succession and the second pillar is family and hereditary advantages. Its first pillar in the caliphate's biography took on a legitimate form. Just as Muhammad Rashid Riďa has noted, this brought about hereditary caliphate in the time of the Umayya. [218]
Abu Bakr's written oath practically appointed 'Umar as the caliph. Therefore, the people's allegiance could not be influential in his reign. Finally, we should say that the people's disagreement did not mean he could not be a caliph.
This was indeed a sort of swearing obedience and loyalty to caliph. 'Umar, himself, believed that Abu Bakr's selection as the caliph of Muslims was impromptu and that the government had to be undertaken at the consultation of the believers, but he sat on the seat of caliphate based on an oath. He criticized the way of selecting Abu Bakr but did not say anything about his own odd way of assuming power.
The Caliph’s Character
The caliph was a quick-tempered man [219] and an extremist [220] and both characteristics seriously affected his political and administrative career. Management to him was some kind of strictness by which he did his best to maintain control over the Bedouin Arabs. His inner being was easily detectable in his thoughts and deeds during the lifetime of the Prophet of Islam.
We know that in the war of Badr, he asked the Prophet (S) to kill all captives. His harsh treatment with Suhayl Ibn 'Amr, in the case of the Hudaybiyya peace deal, has been recorded in history. He also held extreme stances against the Hudaybiyya peace accord. On his first day of caliphate, he said, “O God! I am hot-tempered. Soften my behavior!” [221]
He knew he could not live without his lash. Therefore, he was the first one in Islam who took the lash of “Dirra” in his hand. [222] They have said his cane was more horrendous than the sword of Hajjaj. [223]
As said, Talha objected to Abu Bakr as to why he imposed 'Umar upon them knowing that he is hot-tempered. [224]
According to Ibn Shubba, a man told 'Umar, “People are mad at you; they hate you.”
'Umar asked, ” why.”
He replied, “They complain of your tongue and cane!” [225]
One day, Zubayr's slave was standing in prayers after evening prayers when he saw 'Umar approaching him with his Dirra (cane). The slave fled right then but 'Umar caught him. The slave said, “I'll never do so again!” [226]
After the death of Yazid Ibn Abi Sufyan, 'Umar proposed marrying his wife but she did not accept because she believed 'Umar was ill-tempered when both leaving and entering the house. [227] Even 'Ayisha who had close relations with the caliph, prevented his marriage with her sister for the same reason. [228] 'Abd al-Razzaq San'ani quoted Ibrahim Nakha'i as saying that some day 'Umar was passing near a group of women when he smelled a perfume.
He said, “If only I knew whose perfume this is. Then, I would know what to do with her. Women should wear perfume for their husbands only.” According to the same story, the woman who had worn perfume urinated out of fear [229] and another woman who saw her had a miscarriage. [230]
As a matter of fact, no one dared ask a question from 'Umar and he preferred to do it through 'Uthman or someone else. [231]
'Umar considered the criterion of strictness in selecting his rulers for the states. [232] He did not show mercy to offenders, no matter what tribe they belonged to. This made Jabala Ibn 'Ayham, a ruler of Damascus, who had committed a fault flee from Mecca to Damascus and turn away from Islam. [233]
Even governors and the caliph's children were not immune to his wrath. One day, he beat up one of his sons for the exquisite garment he had put on and the son burst into tears. When Hafsa objected, 'Umar said, “He was acting proudly and I punished him to belittle him.” [234]
He beat one of his children to death for drinking wine. [235] Apparently, 'Amr Ibn 'As had lashed him in Egypt for the same reason and on his return to Medina, his father beat him to death. When he was about to die, he told his father, “You killed me!”
'Umar said, “If you should see God, tell Him we observe his punishment (Hadd) on earth.” [236] His severe treatment raised public hatred and dissatisfaction. The people asked 'Abd al-Rahman Ibn 'Awf to talk to him in this regard and tell him that girls fear him even in their houses.
'Umar replied, “People will not be reformed except with this method; otherwise, they will even strip me of my clothes.” [237] He, himself, admitted that people feared him because of his harshness. [238] In essence, the same treatments could stop public disagreement on his approach. [239] When the Prophet (S) ordered men not to beat their wives, 'Umar asked the Prophet (S) to let men beat their wives like in the past but he did not accept. [240]
We said that 'Umar's concept of religion had made an extremist out of him. Punishing his son to death for drinking wine was one example. He was very strict towards women and did not let them attend morning and evening congregational prayers. He did not have sensible military courage but he attached special significance to Jihad. [241]
This is why he omitted “Hayya 'Ala Khayr al-'Amal” (Rush to the best deed) from Adhan (the call to prayers, under the pretext that people would not go to the holy war. Of course, he added a good part to Adhan and that was saying, “Prayer is better than sleep”. Imam as-Sajjad and 'Abd Allah Ibn 'Umar considered “Hayya 'Ala Khayr al-'Amal” (hasten to good deed) obligatory in Adhan [242] and Abu Hanifa believed that “as-Salat Khayr min al-Nawm” (Prayer is better than sleep) should be told after Adhan because it is not part of it. [243]
'Umar was harsh in his conduct with people. This contradicted the fact that he tried to rule as a caliph and not as a Sultan. 'Utba Ibn Ghazwan, who served as ruler of Basra for six months only, and was indeed commander of Muslim forces in Basra made a very illustrative speech.
He points to the economic problems in the time of the Prophet of Islam and the poverty of his companions, he drew a comparison with the time of 'Umar and said each one of the companions had become an emir of a city.
“There is no prophethood not to be abolished by the “land”. I will take refuge in God when prophets turn to be “kings” and I will seek God's shelter when I feel a great man in myself but be despicable in view of people. You will soon see emirs coming after us, and you will know them soon and will deny them.” [244]
It was a general attitude that time and many people were sure that the caliphate would turn into kingdom. 'Umar, himself, used to say he wondered whether he was a caliph or a king. Ka'b al-Ahbar assured him he was a caliph and that he had found his name in the divine books! [245] Apparently, Abu Bakr imagined himself a king. [246]
Despite 'Umar's harsh behavior, many dared criticize him. When Bilal was getting ready to say the Adhan, 'Umar objected to him, saying it was not time for prayers, but Bilal responded, “I knew the time when you were more astray than the ass of your tribe.” [247]
'Umar used to say, “Guide me if you see a fault in me.”
A Bedouin Arab replied, “We will guide you with a sword if we see a fault in you.” Hearing this, 'Umar thanked God that there was somebody in the tribe to guide him by force. [248] On the contrary, 'Ayisha, daughter of 'Uthman, believed that 'Umar's roughness prevented ordinary people from criticizing him. [249]
'Umar himself, believed that the best policy for leading Muhammad's nation was to act with power and not by force, to be soft but not lax, to bestow but not go to extremes, and to have abstinence but without stinginess. [250]
His pious life did not mean that he had no wealth during his caliphate;, but rather, it has been mentioned in sources that 'Umar was among the wealthiest of the Quraysh. [252]
Someone asked Nafi', “Was 'Umar in debt?”
Nafi' said, “How could he be in debt when one of his inheritors, alone, sold his inheritance at 100000 dhms (Dirham or Dinar?)? [253] 'Umar had set his wife's marriage portion at 4000 dhms. [254] Also once, he bestowed tens of thousands of dhms from his original wealth to his son-in-law. [255] More pious than 'Umar was Salman who warned him against luxury life. [256]
‘Umar’s Functionaries
With the expansion of this period's conquests, vast lands fell under the rule of the Medina government. Running these lands needed managers with new values who could open the way for more conquests. In fact, the most important point for the caliph and Muslims in those conditions was further enlarging the conquered lands.
For running the affairs of border regions, mostly those people were chosen who had enough military capability and experience. Thus, one of the main criteria of the caliph for selecting a functionary was someone with such an ability who could properly run the city and the region under his control.
A list of 'Umar's functionaries in the cities was as follows.
 Mecca, Muhriz Ibn Haritha Ibn 'Abd Shams; Qunfudh Ibn 'Umayr Taymi; Nafi' Ibn 'Abd al-Harith Khuza'i; Khalid Ibn 'As Makhzumi;
 Yemen, 'Abd Allah Ibn Abi Rabi'a Makhzumi
 Bahrayn, 'Ala' Haďrami, Qudamat Ibn Maz'un, 'Uthman Ibn Abi l-'As, Abu Hurayrah, Ayyash Ibn Abi Thawr
 'Amman, Someone from the Ansar and then 'Uthman Ibn Abi l-'As
 Basra, Shurayh Ibn 'Amir, 'Utba Ibn Ghazwan, Mughira Ibn Shu'ba, Abu Musa Ash'ari
 Yamama, Salama Ibn Sallama Ansari
 Kufa, Sa'd Ibn Abi Waqqas, 'Ammar Ibn Yasir, Jubayr Ibn Mut'im, Mughira Ibn Shu'ba
 Ta'if, 'Uthman Ibn Abi l-'As, Sufyan Ibn 'Abd Allah Thaqafi
 Greater Syria, Abu 'Ubayda Jarrah, Mu'adh Ibn Jabal, Yazid Ibn Abi Sufyan, Mu'awiya Ibn Abi Sufyan [257]
 Palestine, Yazid Ibn Abi Sufyan, 'Amr Ibn 'As
 Egypt, 'Amr Ibn 'As
 Hijaz and Adharbayjan, 'Ayaď Ibn Ghanam, Habib Ibn Maslama Fihri, 'Umayr Ibn Sa'd Ansari [258]
It has been stated that, for sometime, Salman used to rule Ctesiphon. [259]
As indicated by the above-mentioned names, 'Umar selected few people from among the companions to run the affairs. Once he was asked about it, 'Umar answered he did not intend to corrupt them with executive affairs. [260] This has been quoted by several historians. Most answers are the same as mentioned. [261]
Sha'bi,who is the reliable source of the Sunnis, however says, ”'Umar did not allow the Muhajir s to leave Medina and told them, “What I fear most is that you will become scattered in towns and cities.” He has added, “If any of them asked permission to go to war, 'Umar would say, “As you have fought alongside the Prophet, that should suffice you.” [262]
Also, Hasan Basri says, “If any of the companions wanted to leave Medina, he had to seek 'Umar's permission.” [263] Preventing the companions' exit, as some people have said, was not limited to the Quraysh; rather, he basically prevented the exit of those companions who could turn into a pivotal figure in any city and could somehow stand against the caliph.
Another reason for his choices was found in that 'Umar wanted to prevent the spread of the Prophet's hadiths in different towns and cities. Khatib Baghdadi has narrated that 'Umar sent messages to Abu l-Darda' Abu Mas'ud Ansari and 'Abd Allah Ibn Mas'ud, saying, “What are all these hadiths you are quoting from Prophet Muhammad?” Later, these people were not allowed to leave Medina [264] until 'Umar was killed.
According to the same quote, Qarďat Ibn Ka'b says, “When we were leaving Medina, 'Umar saw us off. Then, he asked, “Do you know why I am seeing you off? I wanted to tell you not to narrate the hadiths of the Prophet for the people in the cities you go. I, too, am your partner.” Qarďat says, “Afterwards, I did not narrate any more hadiths.” [265]
Preventing the exit of the companions and not employing them was a policy 'Umar followed carefully. People such as Sha'bi sought the problem of 'Uthman in his policy which was exactly the opposite of 'Umar's. It is said that once, Zubayr asked 'Umar to let him take part in wars.'Umar responded, “I will not allow the companions of the Prophet to go to different cities and mislead the people.” [266]
Also, it was once protested to him, “Why do you give the affairs to people such as Yazid Ibn Abi Sufyan, Sa'id Ibn 'As, Mu'awiya and the like who are from the˝مؤلفة قلوبهم˝ و˝طلقا˝ 'Those whose hearts are captured as well as those who are the liberated ones but you avoid using 'Ali, 'Abbas, Zubayr and Talha?” 'Umar said he was afraid they would go stir trouble in cities. [267]
Also, 'Abd al-Rahman Ibn 'Awf asked 'Umar, “Why don't you allow them to go to jihad?” 'Umar said, “If I remain silent and refrain from answering your question, it would be better.” [268] The unacceptable justification of Ahmad Amin is that it was due to the importance of Medina that 'Umar kept the Ansar in the city. [269] This viewpoint is different from that of Sha'bi and Hasan Basri!
Ibn Sa'd says, ”'Umar appointed people such as 'Amr Ibn 'As, Mu'awiya and Mughira, but not people like 'Uthman, Talha, Zubayr and 'Abd al-Rahman Ibn 'Awf because the formers were strong and well-informed in executive affairs. Moreover, 'Umar dominated them and was an awful figure for them. When he was asked why he did not use the great companions of the Prophet, he would say,أكره أن أدنّسَهم بالعمل “I please not to taint them with action.” [270]
We previously referred to the caliph's behavior. He preferred strict managers, even if they were not so virtuous. One of the problematic cities for 'Umar was the newly established city of Kufa. For a period, it was ruled by Sa'd Ibn Abi Waqqas who was removed following the people's protests.
After him, 'Ammar Yasir came to power, but he, too, was accused of impotence and 'Umar removed him. The next person was Jubayr Ibn Mut'im who again failed to stay in office. At this time, when 'Umar was greatly baffled, he asked Mughira who he saw suitable for ruling Kufa.
Mughira said, “Appoint me as the city's governor.”
'Umar answered, “You are a lewd man!”
Mughira said, “My efficiency is for you and my lewdness for myself.” 'Umar liked his response and appointed him as governor of Kufa. [271] Before that, Mughira had ruled Basra for a while. There, he had illicit relations with a married woman named Umm Jamil. This affair was so explicit that four people saw him during adultery. But, only one of them gave false testimony and that saved Mughira from being stoned.
Different sources are unanimous that 'Umar had asked the fourth person to testify in such a manner. [272] 'Umar's policy of choosing such people caused Hudhayfa Ibn Yaman to protest to the caliph about his appointment of corrupt people.'Umar answered, “I use his power (in running the affairs).” [273]
Also, once, someone ho was a governor of Abu Musa Ash'ari in a region of Bahrayn, came to Medina. He asked Yarfa' Hajib, “What character does 'Umar like best?”
He answered, “Toughness.”
That man said, “When I attended the caliph's court, I took on a serious expression. It was then that I realized 'Umar paid more attention to me,” after a while, he asked me.
“Where are you working now?” I answered.
'Umar said, “From now on, you are appointed in that region directly by me.” [274]
One important point about 'Umar's functionaries was his supervision over their manner of treating people and the Bayt al-Mal or the public treasury. 'Umar maintained a special control over them and recorded their wealth at the start of their term in office.
In this concern, 'Umar considered almost all his functionaries [275] to be guilty and halved their belongings when they returned from the region of service. He gave half of the wealth to them and gave the other half to the Bayt al-Mal. This act is called the “dividing in two halves of the wealth.”
It was natural for 'Umar to believe that his functionaries had gathered the wealth illegally, but as he did not know a particular way for separating the legal from the illegal. He had decided to divide the wealth as mentioned except in a few cases. One of these governors was Abu Hurayra who ruled Bahrayn. When he returned from his mission, 'Umar divided his wealth and ordered him to be punished. Then, 'Umar asked him to go back to work! Abu Hurayra said he would not accept to return because his money had been seized, he had been disgraced and he had been beaten as well! [276]
'Amr Ibn 'As, too, saw his wealth divided. [277] Other people to have the same fate were Abu Musa Ash'ari, Harith Ibn Ka'b and 'Utba Ibn Sufyan who were in charge of collecting alms in Ta'if. [278]
Abu Bakra was another governor whose wealth was divided. He protested to 'Umar and said, “If all these riches belong to God, who don't you take them all and if they are mine, why are you doing so, then?” [279]
As we said earlier, after dividing the wealth of his functionaries, 'Umar re-appointed them to their posts. Imam 'Ali has been quoted as having the same protest of Abu Bakr about why the functionaries were returned to work. One such instance was that one of 'Umar's functionaries had returned from Yemen and was wearing an exquisite robe. 'Umar ordered his attire to be taken off and ordered him to return to his post. [280]
Also, 'Umar once heard that his governor in the city of Hims had built a nice house and had set a door- keeper for it. 'Umar sent someone to burn the door of his house, but after a while, sent him back to work. [281]
This act even trapped people such as Sa'd Ibn Abi Waqqas. Baladhuri has provided a list of those governors whose wealth was divided, Nafi' Ibn Harith, Nafi' Ibn Harith, Bushr Ibn Muhtafar, Jaz Ibn Mu'awiya, Khalid Ibn Harith, Qays Ibn 'Asim, Samura Ibn Jundab, Mujashi' Ibn Mas'ud, Shibl Ibn Ma'bad and Abu Maryam Ibn Muhrash. These people, as said by Baladhuri, were mostly responsible for collecting alms in the cities. [282] Of course, the names of people such as Salman and 'Ammar Ibn Yasir are included on the list.
Controlling his functionaries was a principle in 'Umar's policies. This supervision mostly focused on the financial aspect. When 'Umar heard that 'Amr Ibn 'As had taken some money from the Bayt al-Mal, he wrote to him, “I knew people from the Muhajirun who were much better than you, but I appointed you thinking that you had little need.” After that, 'Umar sent Muhammad Ibn Maslama to divide the wealth of 'Amr Ibn 'As. [283]
Another quotation says once 'Umar heard that 'Ayaď Ibn Ghanam was living a luxurious life, wearing exquisite clothes and eating delicious meals. He sent Muhammad Ibn Maslama to fetch him. When 'Ayaď came, 'Umar gave him a walking stick and a robe. Then, he tasked him with taking three hundred sheep to the pasture. He was looking after the sheep for two months.
Once, 'Ayaď decided to get rid of his situation with the mediation of 'Umar's wife. When 'Umar found out, he harshly told his wife, “This is not your business! You are a mere means of joy that is discarded after having fun. [284] Now, you are meddling in the affairs of me and Muslims?” Then, with 'Uthman's arbitration, 'Umar sent 'Ayaď back to his post and committed him not to return to his previous situation. [285]
Sometimes, 'Umar would go to the house of his agents, accompanied by someone. He would remain silent and his friend would ask permission for entry. Then, he entered the house unexpectedly and this way, he tried to supervise their way of life. [286] In one occasion, he heard that Sa'd Ibn Abi Waqqas had built a palace and had set a portal for the building. 'Umar sent someone to Kufa to set the gate on fire. [287]
Of course, some of 'Umar's functionaries lived luxurious lives, but 'Umar was not strict with them. two instances were 'Amr Ibn 'As and Yazid Ibn Abi Sufyan. [288] This could have been due to his trust in their management skills.
In some cases, too, he had special interest in certain persons. For example, he was greatly fond of Zayd Ibn Thabit. Once, Abu Bakr asked 'Umar to appoint Zayd, then a teenager, to a post in financial affairs. When 'Umar came to power and Zayd returned to him with some money, 'Umar bestowed on Zayd all the money he had brought with him. [289]
One day, 'Umar heard that Abu Musa Ash'ari had lashed one of the fighters of the army and had shaved his head. He wrote to Abu Musa that if he had done this in public, he must receive Qisas or get retaliatory punishment in public. And, if he had done it secretly, again he would have to be punished in the same manner. When Abu Musa was getting ready for Qisas, the lashed man forgave him. [290]
At any rate, 'Umar's orders and letters to the governors of different lands, his questioning of the emirs of cities and his urging them to observe justice, have been mentioned in numerous occasions by various sources. [291] This situation, whatever reason it had, did not last after 'Umar. 'Uthman, during his years of caliphate, left his functionaries to themselves. This prevented a personality such as Imam 'Ali from controlling the situation.
The narrator says, “Once, some money was brought to 'Umar. His child took one dhm, put it in its mouth and went away. 'Umar went after him and took the money.” The narrator adds, “I was sitting with 'Uthman when some money was brought to him, His child took a coin and then, his servant took one, but he did not protest. I burst into tears. When 'Uthman asked the reason, I told him the story.
'Uthman said, ”'Umar did not give to his relatives for God's sake, but I am giving to my folks for God's sake.” [292]
Among his functionaries, 'Umar did not question one particular person. He was Mu'awiya, son of Abu Sufyan who had converted to Islam even later than his father. Appointing Mu'awiya as the governor of Damascus during the last six years of 'Umar's caliphate was one of the sensitive issues of that time. The caliph was accused of playing a major role in stabilizing the status of the Umayya in Damascus.
'Umar did not remove Mu'awiya from office when he called him the Arab Caesar. [293] Once, 'Umar told Mu'awiya that he did not abide by enjoining to good and forbidding from evil. [294] During 'Umar's rule, the entire Damascus was under Mu'awiya's control. [295] Even at the time of death, 'Umar told the six-man council, “Do not have differences with each other because Mu'awiya is in Damascus! [296]
Also, Qaďi 'Abd al-Jabbar, a fanatic Sunnites, says, “Although 'Umar strictly controlled his agents and sometimes changed them, he never had such a behavior towards Mu'awiya.” [297]
Abu Bakr Asam said, “Mu'awiya was rightful in his war against 'Ali because 'Umar had appointed him.” [298] Later, 'Umar's political and religious conduct turned into a tradition. Once, when there was a dispute between Talha and Imam 'Ali over a pitcher at the presence of 'Uthman.
Mu'awiya asked, “Did it exist at the time of 'Umar?”
They said, “Yes.”
He answered, “Can you change something which was fixed during 'Umar's period?” [299]
Before Mu'awiya, his brother, Yazid, was the governor of parts of Damascus. This issue began at the time of Abu Bakr. When he appointed Khalid Ibn Sa'id as the commander of an army in Damascus, 'Umar insisted that he be replaced with Yazid Ibn Abi Sufyan because Khalid Ibn Sa'id who was in Yemen on behalf of Prophet Muhammad, returned after the Prophet's demise and complained to Imam 'Ali about Abu Bakr's coming to power.
That was why 'Umar preferred Yazid Ibn Sufyan to him. [300] After Yazid's death, Mu'awiya succeeded him and ruled Damascus during the last four years of 'Umar's caliphate. [301] Jahiz has interesting interpretations about the gradual reinforcement of Mu'awiya's position in Damascus from the time of Abu Bakr until 'Uthman. [302]
Among the caliph's agents, in addition to Mughira, there were other lewd people, too. One of them was Qudama Ibn Maz'un who was a drunkard and was lashed for this. [303] Another governor of 'Umar, Nu'man Ibn 'Adi, wrote poems on wine and drunkenness. [304] It was reported to 'Umar that Nu'man ran the affairs in the best possible way, but did not say his prayers on time. [305]
At the end of this part, it would be suitable to mention some other points considered by the caliph in choosing his agents. During his early years in Iraq and Damascus, 'Umar showed that if he did not choose his commanders from among the noble companions, he could not go beyond the limits of the Quraysh and their allies such as the Thaqif and sometimes, the Ansar who were trusted by the Quraysh. Therefore, despite the fact that Muthanna Ibn Haritha had grown his power in Iraq and was apparently trusted, 'Umar did not appoint him as commander in the war against Iranians.
Also, when 'Utba Ibn Ghazwan, the founder of the city of Basra, complained to 'Umar about the way Sa'd Ibn Abi Waqqas was enjoining to good and forbidding from evil, 'Umar told him why he was not willing to accept the rule of someone from the Quraysh.
Moreover, 'Umar tried to choose his agents from the cities not from nomadic tribes. Once 'Umar heard from Utba that he had appointed Mujashi' Ibn Mas'ud as his successor in Basra and as Mujashi' had not been available then, had appointed Mughira Ibn Shu'ba.
In response, 'Umar said, “It is better that Mughira rules Basra, not Mujashi' because Mujashi' is from nomads and Mughira is a city-dweller.” [306] Mughira was a Thaqafi residing in Ta'if.

References & Notes:
[198] Muruj al-dhahab, vol. II, p. 321
[199] Sahmi, Tarikh Jurjan p. 96.
[200] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. I, p. 587; Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. VI, p. 11; Anas Ibn Malik says, “On Saqifa, I saw ‘Umar forcing Abu Bakr to sit on the pulpit al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. V, p. 438
[201] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I, p. 174 Once Abu Bakr transferred a piece of land to someone with a title deed registered under his name, but ‘Umar took the deed and destroyed it Hayat As-Sahaba, vol. II, p. 47 Interesting to know is that they call them ” ‘Umarayn” meaning two ‘Umars
[202] Abu Bakr Khallal, As-Sunna, p. 277
[203] al-Imamah wa’l-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 38 Ibn Abi l-Hadid writes, هو (عمر) الذي شيد بيعة ابي بكر ورقم المخالفين فيها وكسر سيف زبير… ودفع صدر مقداد… ولولاه لم يثبت لأبي بكر أمره ولا قامت له قائمته ‘Umar was someone who straightened Abu Bakr’s allegiance and removed the dissenters, spit apart Zubayr’s sword, beat chest of Miqdad, if he had not helped, Abu Bakr’s caliphate would never be organized; Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. I, p. 174
[204] al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. V, P. 254
[205] Gharib al-hadith, vol. II, p. 222; Nathr ad-Durr, vol. II, p. 17; al-Fa’iq fi Gharib al-hadith, vol. III, p. 333; al-Adab al-Mufrad, Bukhari, p. 29
[206] Nathr ad-Durr, vol. II, p. 28
[207] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 200
[208] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. III, P. 428; Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 199
[209] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. III, p. 429; Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. I, pp 163-165; Nathr ad-Durr, ol II, pp 15 and 23; al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. II, p. 425; Hayat As-Sahaba, vol. II, p. 26; Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 200
[210] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. III, p. 433 ‘Ayisha mentions objection of “so and so”, Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 274 Abu Bakr was told, “When he was not “caliph”, he harshly treated us ” “Oh, if he becomes a ruler, what will he do to us?” al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. V, p. 449 Others complained of his “tongue and stick” al-Imamah wa’l-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 38 ‘Ali also objected to Abu Bakr, Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 274; Hayat As-Sahaba, vol. II, p. 26
[211] Abu Bakr Khallal, As-Sunna, p. 275
[212] Bahjat al-Majalis, vol. I, p. 579 and about other objections, Ma‘rifat As-Sahaba, vol. I, p. 183; al-Futuh, vol. I, p. 152; al-Fa’iq fi Gharib al-hadith, vol. I, pp 99-100
[213] Nathr ad-Durr, vol. II, p. 61 He, in the same speech, asked God to make him “good-tempered” Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 274
[214] al-Imamah wa’l-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 38
[215] Khayr al-Din Sawi writes, “Abu Bakr consulted with the companions before selecting ‘Umar(Tatawwur al-fikr As-Siyasi, p. 40) Such a viewpoint clashes with historical facts and consultation with Ibn ‘Awf and ‘Uthman is only knowm to us Of course, disagreements are more informative to us Faruq Nabhan, too, claimed that Abu Bakr always received advice from the faithful people (Ni³am al-hukm fi l-Islam, p. 93)
[216] Nathr ad-Durr, vol. II, p. 16
[217] Ibid vol. II, P. 22
[218] al-khilafa wa l-Imama, al-‘U³ma quoted from, Andishih siyasi dar Islam mu‘asir, p. 150; before Rashid Riďa, Marwan Ibn Hakam referred to Abu Bakr’s measure of making caliphate hereditary!
[219] Ibn Abi l-Hadid writes,وكان في اخلاق عمر والفاظه جفاء وعنجهية ظاهرة ‘Umar’s ethics and words represented self-pride of some kind Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. I, p. 183
[220] The caliph, in appearance, was tall and had a brown-colored face and on front part of head, he was hairless, “Asla‘” According to Muhammad Ibn Habib, he had deceitful eyes al-Muhabbar p. 303; al-Munammaq, p. 405
[221] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 274; Abu Bakr Khallal, As-Sunna اللهم إني غليظ فليّنّي O God! I am hot-tempered, make me soft-tempered
[222] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, P. 209; Tarikh al-khulafa’, p. 137; Hayat al-hayawan, vol. I, p. 346; Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 282 The first one to be lashed by Dirrah was Umm Farwa, Abu Bakr’s sister when she was crying for Abu Bakr after his death and ‘Umar deemed crying for the dead unrightful Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I, p. 181
[223] Rabi‘ al-Abrar, vol. III, p. 188; Hayat al-hayawan, vol. I, p. 51; Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I, p. 188; al-Taratib al-idariyya, vol. II, p. 376; Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 281
[224] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. VI, p. 343, vol. I, p. 164; Hayat As-Sahaba, vol. II, pp 128 and 130
[225] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. II, p. 858
[226] al-Ma‘rifa wa l-Tarikh, vol. I, pp 364-365
[227] Nathr ad-Durr, vol. I, p. 61 يدخل عابساً ويخرج عابساً He entered with sullen face and went out in the same way
[228] al-Aghani, vol. XVI, p. 93; al-Isti‘ab, vol. I, p. 273
[229] al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. IV,pp 343-344
[230] Jami‘ al-bayan al-‘ilm, vol. II, p. 103; Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. I, p. 174
[231] al-Fakhri, p. 106(Persian Translation
[232] al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. I, p. 15
[233] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. I,p. 265; al-Futuh, vol. II, pp 302-304; Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I, p. 183 About him, different stories are said of ‘Umar’s treatment and his repentance in manner of treating him Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 147
[234] al-Musannaf, vol. I, p. 416
[235] Hayat al-hayawan, vol. I, p. 49; Mus‘ab Zubayri, Nasab Quraysh, p. 356
[236] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. II, p. 841
[237] Nathr ad-Durr, vol. II, p. 35; ‘Uyun al-akhbar, vol. I, p. 12
[238] Hayat al-hayawan, vol. I, p. 49
[239] Nathr ad-Durr, vol. IV, PP 34-35
[240] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. VIII, p. 205
[241] al-Aghani, vol. VI, p. 279
[242] Huwiyyat al-tashayyu‘, p. 47 from, al-Musannaf, Ibn Abi Shayba, Sunan Biyhaqi
[243] Ibid p. 46 from, Taysir al-usul
[244] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. VII, pp 6-7
[245] Hayat As-Sahaba, vol. II, p. 36; al-Taratib al-idariyya, vol. I, p. 13; Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 211; Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 306
[246] Hayat As-Sahaba, vol. III, pp 475-476
[247] Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq vol. XI, p. 276
[248] Tafsir al-Manar, vol. XI, p. 266
[249] Nathr ad-Durr, vol. IV, p. 34
[250] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. II, p. 879; Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, pp 344-345
[251] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I, p. 182
[252] Kashf al-astar, vol. II, p. 303; Hayat As-Sahaba, vol. I, p. 347
[253] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. II, p. 935; Jami‘ al-bayan al-‘ilm, vol. II, p. 17
[254] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. VIII, p. 464; al-Taratib al-idariyya, vol. II, p. 405; al-Bahr al-zakhkhar, vol. III, p. 101; Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. IV, p. 190; al-Musannaf, Ibn Abi Shayba, vol. IV, p. 190
[255] Tarikh al-khulafa’, p. 120; Kanz al-‘Ummal, vol. II, p. 317; Hayat As-Sahaba, vol. II, p. 356
[256] Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. X, p. 46
[257] Khalifa Ibn KhayyaT makes it clear that Mu‘awiya ruled Greater Syria in ending years of ‘Umar’s caliphate
[258] Tarikh Khalifat Ibn Khayyat, pp 153-156
[259] Muruj al-dhahab, vol. II, p. 306
[260] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 499
[261] al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. II, p. 361; Tarikh al-khulafa’, p. 106
[262] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. III, p. 397; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. II, pp 159-160
[263] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. III, p. 396
[264] Sharaf Ashab al-hadith, p. 87
[265] Sharaf Ashab al-hadith, p. 88
[266] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XX, p. 20
[267] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. IX, pp 29-30; al-Fitnat al-Kubra, pp 80-81
[268] Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 158; there, he said that if Quraysh were permitted to leave, they would be led to the left and right wings
[269] Fajr al-Islam, p. 172
[270] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 183and 283
[271] Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 155; al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. I, p. 22; Nathr ad-Durr, vol. II, p. 80
[272] Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 146; al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. VII, pp 384-385; al-Aghani, vol. XVI, P. 94 about other cases, al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. VIII, p. 217-219
[273] Gharib al-hadith, vol. III, p. 239; al-Fa’iq, vol. III, p. 215
[274] al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. I, pp 14-15
[275] For example, he accused Abu Hurayra of theft Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. IV, p. 335
[276] ‘Uyun al-akhbar, vol. I, pp 53-54; Futuh al-Buldan, p. 93; al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. I, p. 45
[277] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. IV, p. 335
[278] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I, p. 175
[279] al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. I, p. 46
[280] Ibid vol. I, p. 46
[281] Nahj As-Sa‘ada, vol. I, p. 112
[282] Hayat As-Sahaba, vol. II, p. 210; from, Kanz al-‘Ummal, vol. III, p. 166
[283] Futuh al-Buldan, pp 90,299 and 396
[284] انما انت لعبته يلعب بك، ثم تتركين No doubt, you are his plaything and finally thrown away
[285] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, p. 817; Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I, P. 178(with a little difference
[286] Ibid vol. III, p. 836
[287] Akhbar al-Tiwal, p. 124; Futuh al-Buldan, p. 277
[288] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, p. 8333
[289] Ibid vol. III, pp 854-855; al-Isaba, vol. I, p. 85
[290] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara vol. III, p. 809
[291] See a collection of commands, letters and speeches in, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XII, pp 194-196 He wrote to the people of cities, “I have not sent my agents to oppress you or seize your property I’ve sent them to teach you religion and tradition Anyone iolated this, complain to me for retaliating him because I saw the Prophet (S) doing so, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XII, p. 22 and for treating harshly that is because of lack of understanding the Qur’anic verses, Ibid vol. XII, pp 15 and 17
[292] al-Amali fi Athar As-Sahaba, pp 53-54; the heritage the Sunnites know as biography of “Orthodox Caliphs” excluding what Imam ‘Ali said and reflected more in culture of Shia belongs not to Abu Bakr and ‘Uthman but to ‘Umar What history tells of this heritage is legion and the Sunnites typically adopted its acceptability through ‘Umar’s letters and catch phrases It is to admitted that, apart from caliph’s certain matters concerned with Imamate, the Hashimites and some juriprudic rulers as well as religious values, what persists has had and still has a high place in contrast to ‘Umar’s, the Umayya’s and the ‘Abbasids’s biography The Sunnites refomists portrayed this considerably and undeniably See, Tarikh falsafih dar Islam, vol. II, article on “Tafakkur siyasi dar Sadr Islam” is maily vested upon the same acceptability transferred from ‘Umar and presented an idealistic image of the Islamic government and principles of Islamic policy The caliph held that the assets of Bayt al-Mal are not privately owned but it is divine property,”Mal Allah” at his disposal(Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, pp 275-276) while ‘Uthman regarded it as personal propewrty, ‘Umar Himself moved around the city as a “night guard”(Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 281
[293] Nathr ad-Durr, vol. II, p. 61; al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. III, p. 365
[294] Dala’il As-Sidq, vol. III, p. 312 quoted from Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. VI, p. 184
[295] Tarikh Khalifat Ibn Khayyat, vol. I, p. 157 This is against the idea of Ibn Kathir who believes that ‘Umar had him control some parts of greater Syria al-Bidaya wa l-Nihaya, vol. III, p. 124
[296] Nathr ad-Durr, vol. II, p. 37
[297] Tathbit Dala’il al-Nubuwwa, p. 593
[298] Masa’il al-Imamah, p. 60
[299] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. IV, p. 499, No 1286; Ibn ‘Asakir mentions various evidence concerningly Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXV, pp 18-25 and 44-73
[300] al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. V, p. 454
[301] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, p. 838
[302] Rasa’il al-jahi¨, al-Rasail As-Siyasiyya, p. 344
[303] al-Ishtiqaq, p. 13; al-Fa’iq, vol. I, P. 431; Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. V, p. 560-561
[304] Mus‘ab Zubayri, Nasab Quraysh, p. 382
[305] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. V, p. 560
[306] Mu‘jam al-Buldan, vol. I, p. 432

Tuesday, August 14, 2012

نسب عمربن الخطاب در کتب اهل سنت

در کتاب شاخه طوبی صفحه 1 عالم جلیل القدر شیخ یوسف بحرانی و محمد بن السایب کلبی و ابی مخنف لوط بن یحیی ازدی در کتاب صلاة در معرفت صحابه و کتاب التنقیح در نسب صریح روایت کرده اند از عبدالله بن سیابه که او گفت: نکاح شبه از اقسام نکاح حلال است و متولد از شبهه و زنا نجیبتر است از ولد فراش و گاه در بعضی نسبتها کراماتی اتفاق می افتد که مناسب حال و سزاوار شان اوست از ارتباط نسبت بعضی به بعض و عرب فخر می کرد اگر این قسم نسبت در خودشان یا در چهارپایان ایشان بود. شاعری در تعریف شتر خود گفت: ...

بعد از آن گفته: نفیل از حبشه بنده کلب بن لوی بن غالب قریشی بوده است. بعد از مردن کلب عبدالمطلب او را متصرف شد. و صهاک کنیزی بود که از حبشه برای آن جناب فرستاده اند. روزها نفیل را به چراندن شتران و صهاک را به چراندن گوسفندان به صحرا می فرستاد و در چراگاه میان ایشان  تفرقه می انداخت. روزی اتفاق افتاد که این دو در چراگاهی جمع شدند. نفیل عاشق صهاک شد. و عبدالمطلب زیر جامه پوستی بر پای صهاک کرده بود. و بر آن قفلی زده بود و کلید آن را با خود نگاه می داشت. چون نفیل اظهار میل و خواهش جماع کرد، صهاک گفت: راه این کار مسدود است با این لباس پوست که پوشیده ام و این قفل که بر آن است. نفیل گفت: به جهت آن حیله کنم. پس قدری روغن گوسفند گرفت و آن پوست و اطراف آن را نرم کرد و آن را پایین کشید که تا زانو رسید پس با او جماع کرد. و به خطاب حمل برداشت. چون صهاک زایید از ترس جناب عبدالمطلب آن را در مزبله انداخت و زن یهودیه نانوایی او را برداشت و تربیت کرد. چون بزرگ شد شغل هیزم کنی پیش گرفت. از این جهت او را حطاب (با حاء بی نقطه) می گفتند. و در زبانها به غلط خطاب شد. و صهاک در نهان گاه گاه او را سرکشی می کرد. روزی در نزد او کج شد بود. کفل او نمایان شد. خطاب برخاست و نداست که او کیست. و با او جماع کردو حامله شد به حنتمه! او را نیز بعد از زاییدن به مزبله انداخت و هشام بن مغیرة بن ولید آنرا برداشت و تربیت کرد و از این جهت در نسب به او نسبت می دهند. چون بزرگ شد خطاب در خانه هشام تردد می کرد، حنتمه را دید، در نظرش مرغوب افتاد و خواستگار شد. هشام حنتمه را به او تزویج کرد و از او عمر متولد شد. پس خطاب والد عمر است به جهت اینکه از نطفه او حنتمه او را زایید و جد اوست چرا از زنای او با صهاک حنتمه متولد شد. و چون حنتمه و خطاب از یک مادرند، پس خطاب دایی و جد مادری و پدر اوست. و حنتمه مادر اوست که او را زایید و خواهر او چون عمر و حنتمه از یک پدرند و عمه او زیرا که حنتمه و حطاب از یک مادرند که صهاک باشد. این است ملخص کلام کلبی و ابو مخنف را در این مقام کلام طویلی است که از ذکر آن می گذریم. 

و نیز از کتاب مثالب محمد بن السایب نقل شده که بعد از زنای نفیل با صهاک عبدالعزیز بن ریاح نیز با وی مواقعه کرده و خطاب منتسب به این دو نفر است. ابن حجاج شاعر گوید:

من جده خاله و والده ... و امه اخته و عمتهاجدر ان یبغض الوصی و ان... ینکر یوم الغدیر بیعته

ترجمه: کسی که جد مادری او دایی و پدر او هم هست و مادرش خواهر او و عمه او هم هست. چنین نسبی سزاست که وصی پیامبر ص را دشمن دارد و بیعت خود را با او در روز غدیر منکر شود.
و همچنین در جلد سوم شرح نهج البلاغه صفحه 50 مرحوم خویی  آمده است که علامه حلی در کشف الحق گفته است: کلبی از رجال اهل سنت است که در کتاب مثالب گفته است: صهاک کنیزی حبشی متعلق به هاشم بن عبدمناف بوده است که نفیل پسر هاشم با او نزدیکی کرده و پس از او عبدالعزی پسر ریاح با او نزدیکی کرد، سپس صهاک پسری زایید به نام نفیل که عمر بن خطاب است.

به طریق مخالف در کتاب نهایه الطلب خلیلی مذکور است که خطاب الاغ فروش بود و خطاب اسم او نیست و لقب اوست و چون مردم مادر زناکار او را بسیار خطبه میکردند از این جهت ملقب به خطاب شد

هشام ابن السائب کلبی که از علمای سنیان است در کتاب مثالب الصحابه و کلبی نسابه شافعی گفته که صحاک حبشیه کنیز هاشم ابن عبد مناف بود و نفیل پسر هشام با وی زنا کرد و عبدالعزی بدنیا آمد وبعد از آن عبدالعزی با صحاک مادر خود زنا کرد که نفیل به دنیا آمد که جد عمر است وگویند که آبا اجداد عمر تا هفت پشت حرام زاده بودند

وهمچنین در زمان خلافت عمر بن خطاب، عمر بن عاص والی مصر بود. عمر او را به مدینه احضار کرد. وقتی عمر عاص رسید. عمر بن خطاب از او پرسید: چند روز در راه بودی؟ جواب داد: 20 روز. عمر با تمسخر و کنایه گفت مانند عاشقان آمدی! 
عمر عاص جواب داد: مرا مانند تو ای عمر، زن زناکار در ایام حیض خود حامله نبوده و مرا فاحشه ها بعد از تولد در پارچه خون حیض خود قنداق نکرده اند.

(عمر بن خطاب در محله بدنام فاحشه ها و در میان فاحشه ها به دنیا آمده و چون لباس نوزاد نداشته به وسیله پارچه حیض فاحشه ها قنداق شده است)

منابع این مطالب در منابع اهل سنت:النهایه فی غریب الحدیث، نوشته ابن اثیر جدری، جلد اول، صفحه 15و

 شرح نهج البلاغه ابن ابی الحدید شافعی، جلد12، صفحه39



وهمچنین   عمر بن خطاب "  می گوید  :

 «  أیها الناس ! تعلموا أنسابکم أرحامکم ولایسألنی أحد ما وراء الخطاب   »
  « ای مردم ! نسب خود را یاد بگیرید و کسی از قبل از خطاب از من سئوال نکند »

 تاریخ المدینة المنورة ج 3 ص 
797
این جا به شعر شاعربزرگ ایرانی مرحوم فردوسی اشاره کنیم که بجاست

کسی را کوپدر خالو بود در شرع پیغمبر
                      
        مسلمانش مخوان کوهست یکره کافر وترسا

هر آن کس را که باشد مادرش خواهر روانبود

               که او برپایه منبر نهدازبی حیایی پا

تبراکن تبرا کن از آن شومان بد اختر
                                   
  تبرا کن تبرا کن از آن دونان مادر کا


اگر پاکی دراصلت خطایی نیست خواجه
                            
               چوفردوسی همی کن لعنت بسیار براعدا

Monday, August 13, 2012

Umar's Murder


According to certain narrations and more specifically what has been narrated by Tabari, some people have claimed that 'Umar was murdered with the plot of Ka'b al-Ahbar.. Historians and narrators of Sunnites hadiths brought this news in their books for centuries. However, they believed so much in the predictions and reports of Ka'b and people like him that they did not have the least suspicion about Ka'b's role in the caliph's murder.
Jahiz who is a rationalist critic, has this opinion about what Ka'b has narrated from the Torah (although there is no such thing in the Torah), I believe that many of these reports which have been quoted with phrases such as “We find them in the books” or “written in the Torah”, have in fact been taken from the “Book of prophets” and works from the books of Solomon and Isaiah, the prophet. If the stories quoted from him about the characteristics of 'Umar, are from him (because he, himself, did not fabricate news), the problem cannot be solved unless with our justification. [400]
Therefore, Jahiz Mu'tazili, too, has not been able to have any doubts about Ka'b al-Ahbar. At any rate, forecasting 'Umar's murder before the actual incident and the opinion that Ka'b had seen the news in previous books did not attract the attention of the Prophet's companions and other Muslims. Infact, it is only in recent years that something has been said in this regard.
In our opinion, there is doubt about the truthfulness of what has been said by Ka'b. What has led to the linking of this fabricated news to Ka'b was nothing but the interest of some simple-minded people in the point that the caliph's martyrdom has been mentioned in the Torah or other books and especially that the title of “martyr” has been particularly emphasized.
Moreover, many stories have been quoted in different sources saying that others had reported on 'Umar's murder. Some of them have been collected by Ibn Sa'd and most of them have been related to “the invisible voice” or “genie”. They said, for example, a voice could be heard reading a poem and saying the news but no one could be seen. [401] What has come in certain texts is that Ka'b had told the caliph before his murder that he had found him a just and martyred Imam in the Torah.
'Umar had said, “How will he be martyred in Medina?” [402]
After 'Umar received a deadly blow at the mosque, Ka'b came to him and said, “Didn't I tell you that you are a martyr?” [403]
If the news ended here, there would be no problem, but Ibn Sa'd has another quotation from Sa'd al-Jari who was 'Umar's freed slave, Umm Kulthum told 'Umar, “Ka'b, the Jew, says, ”'Umar is standing at one of the doors of hell.” 'Umar sent for Ka'b. Ka'b came to him and said, “I swear by God that Dhi l-Hajja will not pass unless you are in heaven.”
'Umar said, “How is it that once I am standing at the gate of hell and the other time, I'm in heaven?”
Ka'b said, “We have found in the Book of God that you are standing at the door of hell and do not let anyone in, but after you die, people will again go to hell!” [404]
We think what reveals the importance of the matter is a narration by Ibn Sa'd. He has quoted Ka'b as telling 'Umar, “In the tribe of Israel, there was a king who reminds us of you when we think of him. There was a prophet at the time of the king. Once he told the king, “Write down your will. You will die three days later.” The king said, “God! If you see that I am doing justice in my rule and obey you in the affairs, increase my life until my son grows up and my Umma increases in number.”
God conveyed these words to his prophet and said, “I added fifteen years to his life.”
After 'Umar was wounded, Ka'b told him, “If you ask, God will keep you alive.”
The news reached 'Umar but 'Umar said, “God, take my life at a time when I am not blamed and disabled.” [405]
In our opinion, this news has been distorted and it seems as if three days before 'Umar's murder (which in fact was three days before 'Umar's death and after his being wounded), Ka'b had told him, “You will die within three days, so ask God not to die.” Interestingly, it has been said that Ka'b came on the second day and said, “One day is left.” This news seems to be right.
Now, let's go to Tabari's report which is the distorted form of the original news and has been quoted from Miswar Ibn Makhrama. He says, “After Abu Lu'lu''s negotiations with 'Umar over his taxes and 'Umar's request from him for building a mill, Abu Lu'lu' threatened him sarcastically.
The day after that, Ka'b al-Ahbar went to the caliph and said, “Make your will; you will die three days from now.”
'Umar asked, “Have you seen my name in the Torah?”
Ka'b said, “No, but I've seen your description and that your life has come to its end.”
'Umar did not feel any pain.
The next day, Ka'b came and said, “One day of the three days has passed and two days remain.” Again, Ka'b came the other day and said, “Two days are gone and one day and one day are left.” The next morning, Abu Lu'lu' attacked 'Umar at the mosque and dealt six blows on him. [406]
The above news is evident in that Ka'b knew of 'Umar's murder beforehand, but when this news is compared with that of Ibn Sa'd, we realize that the story was such, Having adopted the news of the Israelian king and the prophet of his time, Ka'b came to 'Umar after he had been wounded and told him that story from the Torah and the three days.
Incidentally, 'Umar passed away on the third day after being injured. However later, the news underwent some changes to sound unnatural. This could have been intentional to gain some credit for the caliph by relying on Muslims' fascination with the divine news of the people of scriptures.
The quotation that after 'Umar's injury, Ka'b had told him if he called on God to delay his death, He would do so [407], is a proof to the comparison made by Ka'b between 'Umar and the Israelian king. Out of his interests in the caliph, Ka'b advised him to ask God to delay his death so that he could live for fifteen more years.
As said earlier, despite the existence of quotations from Tabari and others, historians did not have any suspicions about Ka'b al-Ahbar. We believe that the true story was something else but the reason for the historian's belief in Ka'b was their real trust in him and the caliph's virtues.
Meanwhile, some of the new Sunnites researchers who are influenced by anti-Israelism have ignored 'Umar's trust in Ka'b and have interpreted the above-mentioned news as a Jewish plot to murder 'Umar. [408] One of these writers has named Ka'b al-Ahbar as the mastermind of 'Umar's murder, saying he had instigated Abu Lu'lu' to kill 'Umar. His sources are the news of Tabari and the quotation mentioned by Ibn Athir from Tabari. [409]
About the caliph's murder, what has been clearly reported in history indicates that this issue was solely related to 'Umar and Abu Lu'lu' and the motive behind the act was, at least it appears so, that the murderer felt some injustice had been done to him and he had been overcharged.
He complained to 'Umar in this regard. But, the caliph said that the money taken from him was not so much compared to his abilities and skills and naturally, his income. Some time later, the assassination occurred and it could be natural that the incident was totally or partially related to the argument which had taken place earlier between the murderer and the caliph.
Mas'udi reports the incident as such, 'Umar did not allow non-Arabs to arrive in Medina. [410]
Mughira wrote to him, “I have a servant who has been a painter, blacksmith and carpenter and can be useful for the people of Medina. If you agree, I shall send him to you.” 'Umar agreed and Abu Lu'lu' came to Medina. Mughira got two dhms from him per day. Once, Abu Lu'lu' went to 'Umar and complained about the heavy tax.
'Umar said, “What works do you do?”
Abu Lu'lu' explained his works as a painter, iron-smith and carpenter.
'Umar said, “Considering the jobs you do, your tax is not so much.”
After a few days, 'Umar asked Abu Lu'lu' to build a windmill for him. Abu Lu'lu' said he would build such a windmill for 'Umar that all people would talk about it! 'Umar smelled threat from these words but said nothing.
It was after this encounter that Abu Lu'lu' murdered 'Umar at dawn in a mosque. He injured twelve others six,of whom died later. Then, he killed himself with a sword. [411] Mas'udi said Abu Lu'lu' was a Jew but some sources have termed him as a Christian. [412] This story shows that the murder was personally motivated. [413]
Abu Lu'lu' has been quoted as saying that apparently, after 'Umar did not respond to his protest, he said, “How is it that the caliph's justice covers everyone except me?” [414] Among his motives, one can also notice the point that Abu Lu'lu' wanted to take revenge in this way because Iranians felt defeated at the hands of Muslims. However, the evidence for this claim is lacking.
There are several possibilities about who had incited Abu Lu'lu'. One is 'Ubayd Allah, the son of 'Umar. Claiming that Hurmuzan was Abu Lu'lu' accomplice in the incident and he had seen them together the previous day, 'Ubayd Allah killed Hurmuzan as well as Abu Lu'lu''s wife and daughter.
He had no reason for this act and naturally, had to be killed as Qisas, retaliation for the murder of three people for whose blood there was no supporter but the government. Even Ya'qubi says 'Umar had recommended that 'Ubayd Allah receive the Qisas! [415] But 'Uthman did not agree and said, “People will say, yesterday they killed the father and today, the son. [416]
The second guess coming from the caliph, himself, was that maybe some of the Muhajirun were involved in the murder. So, he sent Ibn 'Abbas to them and asked, أعن ملأ منكم؟ “Did you order my murder?” And they said, معاذ الله! ما علمنا وما اطلعنا [417] “God forbid! We did not know and were not aware of it.”
The date of the caliph's passing has been reported as the 26th or 27th of Dhi l-Hajja in the year 23 A.H whereas, he was only 55 years old. [418] Although elsewhere, Mu'awiya has been quoted as saying that he was 63 years old. [419] This forging may have been done to show that he died at the same age of Prophet Muhammad (S).
In his last days when he had been wounded, 'Umar seemed not be so satisfied with his worldly life. He repeatedly said, يا ليتني لم أك شيئاً، ليت لم تلدني أمي، ليتني كنت نسياً، يا ليتني كنت حائكاً اعيش من عمل يدي [420] “I wish I were nothing. I wish my mother had not given birth to me. I wish I had been forsaken. I wish I were a weaver and would earn my own living.”
NOTES :
[400] al-Hayawan, vol. IV, pp 202-203
[401] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, pp 334-374, Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, pp 888-891
[402] Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. V, p. 388, vol. VI, p. 13; See the detailed form in, Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, p. 392; Tarikh al-khulafa’, p. 133
[403] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 342; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. XII, p. 191; al-Imamah wa’l-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 40
[404] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 322; Tarikh al-khulafa’, p. 140; Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. VI, p. 23
[405] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 354; Tarikh al-Khulafa’, p. 154
[406] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 191; al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. III, p. 26; Nihayat al-’irab, vol. XIX, p. 374 The same report is quoted by Ibn Shabba with a little difference ‘Abd al-‘Aziz Ibn ‘Umar Ibn ‘Abd al-Rahman Ibn ‘Awf is the person commonly mentioned in Tarikh at-Tabari’s and Ibn Shabba’s references Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, p. 891
[407] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 361; ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. X, p. 225
[408] It seems Aburiyya, before everyone else, has mentioned this thanks to Tarikh at-Tabari’s reports ’Aďwa’ ‘ala l-sunna al-Muhammadiyya, pp 153-155; Fi l-‘ubur al-hiďari “Ka‘b al-Ahbar”, pp 200-204
[409] Athar ahl al-kitab fi l-fitan wa l-hurub al-ahliyya, pp 237,240
[410] According to sources, ‘Umar never let mature Arabs enter Medina As a matter of fact, the same man who was permitted to enter Medina, embraced on killing the caliph Afterwards, ‘Umar reproached those who agreed on entering of these people into Medina and called them his murder Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. II, pp 889,903,904; al-Nihaya fi Gharib al-hadith, vol. III, p. 286 Those disagreeing with him said that Medina would be renewed just because of entry of the ‘Alwaj
[411] Muruj al-dhahab, vol. II, pp 320-321; Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. II, p. 888; Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 345; Ibn Juzi, Manaqib ‘Umar, p. 210
[412] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. III, p. 190
[413] Therefore, it seems unjust for any sect to defend him, although some traditionally knew him a Muslim, believing that his murder arises from religious differences al-Bad’ wa l-Tarikh, vol. V, p. 194
[414] Hayat al-hayawan, vol. I, p. 51
[415] Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 161
[416] Tarikh Guzidih, p. 186
[417] Tarikh Guzidih, p. 184; Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 348; ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. VI, p. 52; Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. II, p. 904
[418] Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma‘arif, p. 183; For other sources, Ma‘rifat As-Sahaba, vol. I, from 194 on
[419] Tarikh Khalifat Ibn Khayyat, p. 53
[420] al-zuhd wa l-raqa’iq, pp 79-80,145,146; Bahjat al-Majalis, vol. II, p. 399; Hayat As-Sahaba, vol. II, p. 115; Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, pp 360-361; Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. II, p. 920; Sheykh Mufid, al-Amali, p. 50

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